[UPDATE: May 16, 2019] The transitional military council currently running Sudan has announced a suspension of talks with the opposition coalition representing the demands of the protesters. The 72-hr suspension of talks comes just a day after the two sides reached a preliminary agreement on the future of Sudan’s transition. Citing the growing atmosphere of unrest — marked by swelling numbers of protesters and another night of civilian deaths by shooting perpetrated by unidentified elements — the ruling military council halted talks “until a suitable atmosphere is created to complete an agreement.” While protesters believe the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), controlled by the deputy head of the Transitional Council, are responsible for the protesters’ deaths, the Council denies responsibility, instead attributing blame to rogue forces trying to sabotage the negotiation process. This move demonstrates the tenuous and precarious nature of these negotiations, reaffirming the need to continue advocating for the will of the people to be realized, regardless of what benchmarks may be announced. The United States must engage immediately to ensure follow-through on the transition to civilian rule.
[May 15, 2019] News just broke that Sudan’s transitional military council has reached a deal with the opposition alliance, made up of those spearheading the people’s revolution, for a three-year transition period to a civilian administration. This is a tremendous development for the people of Sudan, after months of organized, sustained, countrywide activism; but much work still remains. For one thing, while the two sides agreed that the civilian opposition alliance would have two-thirds of the seats on a 300-member transitional legislative council, they have yet to agree on the composition of an 11-member supreme council, which will comprise the top tier of leadership.
At a joint news conference on the night of May 14, Lt Gen Yasser al-Atta said a final agreement on power-sharing would be signed with the opposition alliance — the Declaration of Freedom and Change Forces (DFCF) — within 24 hours. The makeup of the sovereign council will need to be hashed out by then. According to the BBC, “protesters remain on the streets until they are certain real and lasting change will come with the new transitional agreement.”
While this is a promising development in the Sudanese people’s revolution that began last December, the international community must remain engaged to ensure the will of the people is respected, their rights are protected, and the transition to democracy is secured. Since Omar al-Bashir’s ouster on April 11, thousands of protesters have continued their sit-in at the military headquarters in Sudan’s capital Khartoum, indefatigable in their call for a transfer to civilian leadership.
Since Bashir’s removal, a transitional military council, containing remnants of Bashir’s genocidal regime, has led the country. Through the past five weeks, the council has been negotiating with political opposition groups to augment the civilian role in the transition. Just days ago there were concerns the two sides were in danger of reaching an impasse, so this new agreement comes as a welcome surprise. Still, the protesters will not leave until the promises in the agreement begin to actually take shape. Organized, widespread, and hungry for true change, the protesters are resolute in their demands for a total shift to civilian rule and tangible progress towards democracy.
Jewish World Watch (JWW) applauds the parties to the agreement as well as the demonstrators and activists for continuing to hold vigil, not just in Khartoum but throughout Sudan, each and every day for the sake of their country’s future. Despite the effulgent resilience and determination of the Sudanese people, the realization of their collective dreams is far from guaranteed. The council has clashed with protesters over the terms of the draft constitution and even threatened to instate sharia law. Violence, some of which erupted days ago, continues to be a specter hovering over the transition process.
On May 13, members of the Sudanese security forces shot and killed six people, including an army officer, in overnight clashes with protesters, journalist Zeinab Mohammed Salih reports in The Guardian. Just before nightfall in Khartoum, violence broke out near several barricades that have sprung up during the course of the month-long sit-in. This was the first serious outbreak of violence since the first few nights of the vigil that began on April 6. The shooting continued for several hours, according to the Guardian report. Both the protesters and the ruling military council attributed the violence to Bashir loyalists from within the shadowy security apparatus, innervated by recent charges leveled against Bashir for his involvement in the deaths of protesters participating in the nonviolent revolution. Some observers, however, attribute the attacks to members to the RSF — or Rapid Response Forces — paramilitary troops operated by the Sudanese regime. A few hours before the attacks, a heavily armed RSF convoy was seen on the streets nearby.
JWW’s field representative, who has been a regular presence at the sit-in at army headquarters in Khartoum, was at the scene of the shootings, which she described as terrifying. “I saw a young man was shot in his leg and surrounded by his friends while waiting for the ambulance to come. Many others were in ambulances and were taken to the nearby hospitals. More than 200 people were shot at and injured. The gunfire was very close to where we were, and it continued for hours. It was just like a movie, I didn’t believe it for a moment. But they are very brutal and everyone accused the RSF of shooting at people.” Though the perpetrators have yet to be identified, in part due to the cloak of darkness and the ensuing chaos, those connected with the revolution fear such tactics are aimed at sabotaging the transition process and could continue even after the signing of the agreement.
What about Darfur?
While use of such violent tactics against the protestors has been rare in the revolution’s epicenter of Khartoum since Bashir’s ouster, the fragility of the transitional process is most apparent in Sudan’s restive Darfur region. The Darfur genocide, which began in February 2003, was the catalyst for the creation of JWW, and we remain deeply connected to the region and the Darfuri people, both inside and outside of the Darfur region. The war-beleaguered region has continued to be the locus of severe human rights abuses and atrocities even after the height of the genocide when janjaweed militias were unleashed upon the people of Darfur by Bashir. Back in January, early into the protests, Bashir tried to use a Darfuri man as a scapegoat in order to blame the populous revolt on saboteurs from Darfur. Needless to say, Bashir’s propaganda campaign failed, but it underlined the regime’s continued attempts to demonize and destroy the people of Darfur. To this day, the Darfuri’s remain less-than. As one Darfuri protester told Human Rights Watch, “The security forces always treat us differently.”
Darfuris have emerged as some of the most ardent and stalwart supporters of the ongoing revolution, but they have not exercised their rights without a price. Human Rights Watch reports that the RSF has been violently trying to disperse protesters in Darfur, including by beating and shooting live bullets and teargas at them. On May 4, RSF reportedly killed an 18-year old and injured others in the Otash displaced person’s camp in Nyala, the capital of South Darfur. Days earlier, the media reported RSF soldiers used violence to break up protests in Zalingei, Central Darfur. Notably, the RSF’s commander, Mohamed Hamdan “Hemeti” Dagolo, is now deputy head of the transitional military council currently leading the country.
Darfur’s legacy includes decades of enduring the classic phases of genocide: forced displacement of millions, scorched-earth tactics, rape as a weapon of war, and the murder of hundreds of thousands of civilians. Despite a ceasefire and indictments issued by the International Criminal Court against Bashir for war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide, Sudanese government forces continue to perpetrate atrocities against villagers, especially in the Jebel Marra area.
Still, the Darfuris have shown up, appearing every day at the sit-in, often holding banners depicting the atrocities their people have suffered. “Today we feel proud to be Sudanese. We are born again; we are renewing our country. I am flying without wings,” Adam Osman, a 23-year-old student from Jebel Marra told the New York Times.
And even at this potentially momentous turning point, those in Darfur still face disproportionate danger. While the army and security forces have generally treated protesters in Khartoum circumspectly, they lower their standards in Darfur, in the absence of news cameras. The New York Times reports that of the 90 people killed in the protests throughout Sudan since last December, 14 have died in Darfur — the largest number of any area outside of Khartoum.
Sudan’s war-torn areas remain hotbeds despite the popular revolution. In addition to Darfur, the Two Areas — South Kordofan and Blue Nile — continue to see violence, despite a mid-April suspension of hostilities by SPLM-N rebels to give a peaceful transition to civilian leadership a chance to take root. Blue Nile and South Kordofan lie on the border with South Sudan, with both states strongly supporting the decades-long rebellion that culminated in the creation of South Sudan in 2011. The SPLM-N, Sudan’s largest rebel group, splintered from what has become South Sudan’s ruling party post-independence and has continued an insurgency against the Government of Sudan in the Two Areas. Thousands have died, and the instability continues, despite ceasefire declarations on both sides. On May 9, RSF fighters allegedly shot bullets in a gold mine market in South Kordofan, killing one and injuring four others. On April 23, clashes between security forces and residents left six dead.
Moving forward
This continued instability, largely under-the-radar, in Sudan’s three primary conflict hotspots — Darfur, South Kordofan, and Blue Nile — throws into relief what a precarious situation the people of Sudan currently face. We cannot take anything for granted. Rhetoric, false promises, and even an agreement on paper alone will not give the people the transformative change they so desperately desire and deserve. Warns Ezzaddean El Safi, a Darfuri-born activist with the Open Society Foundations, “This heavy inheritance of disorder requires a clear vision to move toward that is inclusive … We need to enforce transitional justice and open up legal investigations into all crimes committed against civilians, and fair trials for the perpetrators to ensure that there is no impunity. In parallel, we need to rebuild political and economic institutions to ensure an equitable share of power and a fair distribution of wealth. Doing this is the best way to remember the injustices of the past and break with Bashir’s legacy.”
Amnesty International has just outlined 10 human rights priorities for the transition in Sudan. The list provides a clear rubric for ensuring a rights-based approach to popular revolution:
- Respect for human rights (namely freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association)
- End repression of dissent and peaceful protests
- Release prisoners of conscience
- Surrender former President al-Bashir for the International Criminal Court
- End endemic impunity
- Reveal details of National Congress Party (NCP) members in detention
- Reform the National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS)
- Ensure impartial investigations into killings and torture since December 2018
- Set a timeline for legal reform of the national security law and other laws
- Establish an official moratorium on executions
What role can the U.S. play?
Accomplishing these comprehensive and lofty goals won’t be easy. That’s why, more than ever, the United States needs to put its muscle behind the Sudanese people’s revolution. Despite their resilience and steadfastness, the people of Sudan cannot accomplish this sea change on their own. The old guard is still clinging to power, and regional players have a lot at stake in what happens post-Bashir. With the opening provided by this agreement on transition, the United States has a real opportunity to ensure that the old regime follows through on its promises.
The U.S. has already taken positive steps to support Sudan’s democratic transition. In mid-April, it dispatched a special envoy to Khartoum to express Washington’s support for a changeover to civilian leadership. The State Department also released a statement on April 18 confirming its support for the popular revolution: “The United States supports a transition to a peaceful and democratic Sudan led by civilians who represent the diversity of Sudanese society. The will of the Sudanese people is clear: it is time to move toward a transitional government that is inclusive and respectful of human rights and the rule of law.” The statement also reminded the world of Washington’s power over Sudan, referencing both the continued effect of Sudan’s designation as a State Sponsor of Terrorism and the suspension of Phase II talks.
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The Senate is also trying to do its part. Last week Senators Ted Cruz (R-Tex.) and Richard J. Durbin (D-Ill.) introduced S. Res. 188, a bipartisan resolution encouraging a swift transfer of power by the military council to a civilian-led political authority. Already, the resolution has garnered 26 co-sponsors, demonstrating policymakers’ appreciation of the weightiness of this pivotal moment in time for the future of Sudan.
Congress must follow through and swiftly pass the resolution to light a fire under the military council and let it know that the world is watching. The existence of the agreement does not change this imperative. Washington must send a message that it will remain vigilant in its support of the Sudanese people until the benchmarks outlined in the agreement actually come to fruition.
Furthermore, Washington should use the carrots of renewed normalization talks and removal from the State Sponsors list to help facilitate the agreed upon transition to democratic civilian rule. Ensuring that the three-year process of transition begins smoothly is imperative to securing a new path forward for Sudan. The United States must seize this opportunity to shape the future of a key regional player by utilizing its full diplomatic and economic toolkits to support the people of Sudan.
The Senate is also trying to do its part. Last week Senators Ted Cruz (R-Tex.) and Richard J. Durbin (D-Ill.) introduced S. Res. 188, a bipartisan resolution encouraging a swift transfer of power by the military council to a civilian-led political authority. Already, the resolution has garnered 25 cosponsors, demonstrating policymakers’ appreciation of the weightiness of this pivotal moment in time for the future of Sudan.
Congress must swiftly pass the resolution to light a fire under the military council and let it know that the world is watching. Furthermore, Washington should use the carrots of renewed normalization talks and removal from the State Sponsors list to help facilitate the necessary transition to democratic civilian rule. Ensuring that the military council hands over power to civilian authority is imperative to securing a new path forward for Sudan. The United States must seize this opportunity to shape the future of a key regional player by utilizing its full diplomatic and economic toolkits to support the people of Sudan.
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While we discuss the topic of Darfur, we cannot forget our 300,000+ brothers and sisters who fled the genocide at its height in 2003-4 and remain in 12 UNHCR and government-run camps in eastern Chad to this day. They are grappling with severe food insecurity and extreme pressure to return to Darfur, despite widespread violence in the region and multiple barriers to sustainable repatriation. Hopefully, a democratic Sudan will yield improved conditions conducive to return, but until then, we must ensure the Darfuri refugees in Chad are treated with dignity. That’s why Jewish World Watch is continuing to partner with an organization empowering the refugees with perma-gardening techniques so they can produce food to feed their families year round. We also stand in solidarity with other organizations demanding a restoration of food aid, which has been mercilessly cut down to indefensible levels. Please click here to show your support.